The rapid developments are striking.
From the Habakkuk scandal, the charlatanism videos, to the whitewashing of ELAM. As a guardian of the “ecclesiastical order” in Tamassos and as a “conductor” of transfers.
In this field, a former institutional Commissioner, a state official, Pavlos Ioannou, was the first to lead the dance, followed by Marios Pelekanos, who “jumped” over the fence by “surrendering” the vice-presidency of DISY.
In his case, the issues are obviously simpler.
The latter, therefore, failed to secure a position on his (formerly) party’s ballot for the European elections, got upset, and sought his political fortune elsewhere.
This is sometimes the case in the “beautiful world” of politics: a chair should be available no matter what.
Marios Pelekanos, consequently, moved in search of another chair, if and when elected. He leaned further to the right, where he apparently always belonged.
Because even within DISY, this “liberal faction, the European one”, always housed far-right individuals.
Since its foundation in 1976 as an evolution of the Unified Nationalist Party Faction, all were accommodated in the new form.
A “supermarket” of a party scheme. Right-wingers, far-right, pro-Enosis, anti-Enosis, coup plotters, popular right, bourgeoisie, capital, and labour all came under the same umbrella.
And this coexistence endured and largely paid off electorally.
ELAM is the first far-right party that created rifts in DISY.
And it managed to do so during the first crisis and by creating exit conditions.
Especially now, when the Democratic Rally is vulnerable due to internal problems, this seems to intensify. ELAM draws votes from the Democratic Rally’s voter pool but also from other forces.
The store isn’t managed, the party is floundering, and there are no executives on the front lines to bear the burden of management.
However, the Democratic Rally has used ELAM in the past, both inside and outside the Parliament. The election of the Parliament President is recalled.
How the Elamites raised their hands with a nod, electing Ms. Annita Demetriou.
The objective was achieved then for the Democratic Rally. And the majority was achieved.
With prior agreement and a nod. And back then, ELAM was “good”.
It was the “reserve”, called upon when the situation demanded. With a nod, everything could proceed as planned.
However, in Pindarou, they remember the far-right when they notice they are missing votes from their treasury.
When ELAM tricks are added to their treasury, there is no problem.
Therefore, “party patriotism” cannot be deployed only in special cases.
Apart from the fact that any “party patriotism” has become discredited, it doesn’t even work in special cases; the leaderships remember it when they find themselves in difficult situations.
In the right-wing party, they have also created “electoral bridges” with the “opposite bank”.
Member lists were given during the week between the first and second rounds of the last presidential elections to the “eternal enemy”.
The enemy of the other side. Gates were opened to other directions that are hard to close.
The situation, not the circumstance, matters. And apparently, the bill is being paid now.
Not that the other parties are lagging behind.
Their tolerance has offered avenues of normalization to a party that some identify as engaging in non-party actions. Like being “protectors” of metropolitans, for example.
Many explanations have been given for the rise of the far-right.
And in most cases, these explanations are not only Cypriot but European, and not only.
The issue is to address the phenomenon. The issue is to ascertain to what extent and why the discourse of the far-right permeates our daily lives.
And this is crucial because conditions of normalization are created through this.
It is clear that once again the issue will be addressed by society and not by party leaderships. We need to invest in citizens’ reflexes. Our anti-fascist reflexes.
And the issue is not to save the other party stores, which deserve their fate, but to curb the rise of the far-right.
